On January 28th, Lauretta Charlton — the editor for The New York Times’ International desk in Seoul — shared her insights on how the unmanageable costs associated with childbirth and raising a child may be contributing to South Korea’s low birth rate after experiencing the postpartum care centre, also known as “joriwon” in Korean.

In Charlton’s article, her interviewee, Ms Chun, explicitly stated that mothers carefully choose joriwons, and often opting for those recommended by their friends because the mothers “want to get [their] children to get along with people in the same social class.”

In truth, the expense of joriwon varies, indirectly reflecting the social class distinctions within these centres.

This raises a crucial question: Does the cultural significance of joriwon in Korea exacerbate the already sensitive issues of class and costs associated with raising children prevalent in South Korea?

Charlton mentions the price of joriwon may seem insignificant when compared to the “overall expense of raising a child in Korea.”

Her insight suggests that a complex interplay of cultural, social, and economic factors may contribute to South Korea's low birth rate.

Charlton provided detailed descriptions on the facilities and conversations with other mothers, offering a glimpse into the cultural factors influencing the low birth rate.

For instance, she mentioned how South Korea boasts “some of its best postpartum care centres,” equipped with “hotel-like accommodations.”

She further expressed her amazement of the luxurious facilities as she added, “Fresh meals are delivered three times a day, and there are facials, massages and child-care classes.”

Charlton continued to paint a picture of mothers who, after breastfeeding in the middle of the night, left her newborn to a nurse and went back to her private room to sleep.

Yet, in contrast to her positive portrayals of the Korean joriwons, she references Soohyun Sarah Kim, a 46 year old owner of the joriwon St. Park, who mentioned that joriwons were not so luxurious until several years ago.

Kim shed light on the societal pressure in Korea that places the primary responsibility for caring for the baby on mothers by mentioning how, generally, “the grandmother should take care of the baby.”

Upon Kim's initial visit to a "joriwon" in 2007, prompted by her mother's lack of skills in baby care, her joriwon was in an office building, sharing elevators with “workers returning from daily smoke breaks.”

Reflecting on her experience of a joriwon that lacked comforting facilities, Kim has dedicated her time in St. Park to “[abandon] the folk customs that were still in style when she had her first child.”

Specifically, she always “[made] sure a new mother’s hands are never put into cold water and [avoided] air-conditioning, even in the summer.”

Her delicate efforts have significantly contributed to the enhancement of joriwons in Korea.

Charlton mentioned how, “Now eight out of 10 South Korean mothers go to joriwon after giving birth.”

It wasn't the facility itself that prevented mothers from going to joriwon anymore as there were other factors to be taken into consideration.

The modern-day joriwon is increasingly focused on fostering connections among mothers rather than just caring for the babies.

Establishing friendships with similar-minded individuals has become a crucial aspect, with mothers carefully choosing joriwons recommended by friends, aiming to integrate their children into the same social class.

USung Hwang

Grade 12

Seoul Foreign School